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1984年《中英聯合聲明》的簽訂在什麼程度上是香港政治發展的轉捩點？試參考1945-2000年間的歷史，解釋你的答案。
背景 香港經歷近百半世紀的英國殖民地管治後，中國終於在1984年與英國達成《中英聯合聲明》，確定香港將於1997年回歸中國。 // 架構然而，《中英聯合聲明》的簽訂對香港政治帶來了舉足輕重的重要性，是代議政制、高級公務員本地化、政黨政治等多方面發展的轉捩點。 // 立場因此，《聲明》的簽訂在大程度上是香港政治發展的轉捩點。
主旨句1984年《中英聯合聲明》的簽訂是香港代議政制發展的轉捩點。 //核心點前的情況於《聲明》簽訂前，港英政府只是下放有限度的選舉權，於1982年開始引入區議會選舉，讓本地居民選出地區上的區議員。但1984年前的代議政制發展是十分有限，只是允許地區選舉，但在中央層面的立法局並未有引入選舉制度，所有議員均是由港府委任，代議政制在此時的發展受到很大的局限。 // 核心點的影響及核心點後的情況然而，隨著中國與英國就香港前途問題進行談判，並且達成了《中英聯合聲明》，香港將於1997年回歸中國，並落實「一國兩制」、「高度自治」的原則。由於港英政府擔心香港回歸後會受到中國日趨專制的管治，擔心「一國兩制」等原則未能有效實現，於是在回歸前大力推行代議政制改革。1985年，港英政府就在立法局引入間接選舉，及後又於1991年舉行首次的直接選舉。更甚，港督彭定康提出政改方案，將1995年的立法局60席全數改由選舉產生，大大推動了代議政制改革，使香港的中央機關都出現選舉。 // 對比相比之下，就代議政制發展而言，1984年前香港的代議政制改革十分有限，僅局限於地區的區議會層面，但《聲明》簽訂後，港英政府將代議政制改革擴展至中央的立法局，使政府的核心機關都出現民選成份，是香港政治發展的轉捩點。
1984年《中英聯合聲明》的簽訂是香港高級公務員本地化的轉捩點。於二次大戰後，儘管港英政府開始委任華人任職政務官，例如徐家祥於1948年成為首位華人政務官。但在1984年《聲明》簽訂前，港英政府未有進行高級公務員本地化。為了維持港英政府的殖民地管治，港督、所有司級和處長級別的公務員均由外籍人士壟斷，本地華人未能擠身核心的管理層。然而，至1984年《中英聯合聲明》簽訂，確定了香港將於1997年回歸中國，並且制定了「港人治港」的原則。為培訓回歸後的領導班子，令香港能夠順利交接至中國管治，港英政府開始逐步委任華人出任司級官員之職。在處長方面，港英政府於1980年代末開始委任華人為處長，例如李君夏於1989年成為首位華人警務處處長。在司級官員方面，港英政府在1993年和1995年分別委任陳方安生及曾蔭權成為首位華人的布政司及財政司，使華人能夠晉身司級官員職位。至1997年回歸後，華人董建華成為了首任香港特首，至於司級官員也全由華人出任。相比之下，就高級公務員轉變而言，本地華人在1984年《聲明》簽訂前未能擠身高級公務員的職位，但《聲明》的簽訂使港英政府需要陸續委任華人任職高級公務員，以培訓華人的管治班子，結果成為了高級公務員本地化的轉捩點。
1984年《中英聯合聲明》是香港政黨發展的重要轉捩點。於《聲明》簽訂前，香港的政黨發展並不蓬勃，儘管有不少華人社團及組織已經存在，例如工聯會在1948年已經成立；新青學社(街坊工友服務處的前身)也於1975年成立，但這些社團及組織均不是以政黨的定位而存在，例如工聯會是為工人爭取權益；新青學社則是為青年勞工提供讀書課程。可見，政黨政治在此時期尚未成形。然而，隨著1984年中國與英國簽訂《中英聯合聲明》，英國恐懼香港於1997年回歸中國後會陷入中國的專制管治，於是在回歸前積極推行代議政制改革，在立法局引入選舉。結果，不少人士或組織紛紛成為政黨以參與選舉，希望透過團結相似政見的人士，壯大勢力及增加知名度，使政黨在1984年後如雨後春筍般滋長。例如香港民主同盟(1990)、民主建港協進聯盟(1992)、自由黨(1993)及民主黨(1994)等，政黨政治百花齊放。此外，工聯會、新青學社等亦在選舉出現後轉化成政黨參與選舉，例如新青學社於1985年改名為街工，以參與區議會及立法局選舉。相比之下，就政黨發展而言，1984年《聲明》簽訂前，政黨政治在香港的發展尚未成氣候，但隨著《聱明》簽訂後，代議政制改革在香港展開，許多不同政見的人士紛紛組成政黨參與選舉，使政黨紛紛成立，是香港政黨發展的催化劑。
儘管《中英聯合聲明》的簽訂在多方面是香港政治的轉捩點，但在地區政治改革方面則是延續。
在地區政治方面，1984年《中英聯合聲明》的簽訂並非是一轉捩點。港英政府在1984年前已經開始推行地區改革，包括於1967年六七暴動後就開始引入地區諮詢制度，例如1968年的「民政主任計劃」，將香港、九龍劃分為10區，每區設一民政處以收集民意。及後，又於1982年舉行區議會選舉，將全港劃分為18區，每區設一區議會，部分區議員由人民所選出。此外，市政局方面也在1983年舉行首次的直接選舉，反映1984年前港英政府已經著手進行地區改革，下放地區的選舉權，提高本地居民對於本地事務的參與。至1984年《中英聯合聲明》簽訂後，港英政府只是延續原本的地區改革措施。例如在區議會方面，港英政府在1985年取消區議會的全部官守議席，及後又於1994年取消全部的委任議席，並將選民資格由21歲調停至18歲。在區域市政局方面，港英政府於1986年在新界地區設立區域市政局，又於1995年取消市政局及區域市政局內的全部委任議席，使地區選舉變得更具代表性。相比之下，就地區政治而言，1984年前港英政府已經進行地區改革，開始引入選舉，此並非受到1984年《聲明》的簽訂而影響。相反，《聲明》簽訂後，港英政府只是再下一城，推行更全面的地區改革。因此，《聲明》的簽訂只是地區政治改革的延續而非轉捩點。
總括而言，1984年《中英聯合聲明》的簽訂為香港政治帶來了翻天覆地的巨變，使代議政制由地方層面擴展至中央層面，同時本地華人開始晉身高級公務員，而且政黨政治百花齊放，使香港政治出現了截然不同的新狀況。因此，在大程度上是香港政治的轉捩點。
To what extent was the signing of the Sino-British Joint Declaration in 1984 a turning point in Hong Kong’s political development? Explain your answer with reference to the period 1945-2000.
Being governed as a colony under the British rule for more than one and a half centuries, it was agreed that Hong Kong would return to China in 1997 with the signing of the Sino-British Joint Declaration between China and Britain in 1984. Yet, the signing of the Declaration brought decisive influence to politics in Hong Kong. It was a turning point for the development of representative government, localization of senior officials and party politics. Therefore, to a large extent, the signing of the Declaration was a turning point in Hong Kong’s political development.
The signing of the Sino-British Joint Declaration was a turning point for the development of representative government. Before the signing of the Declaration, the British Hong Kong government only allowed electoral right to a limited extent. Direct election was introduced in the District Boards區議會 in 1982, which local citizens were able to elect District Council members at district level. Yet the development of representative government was very limited before 1984. Election was only introduced at the district level but not the Legislative Council at the central level. All members of the Legislative Council were appointed by the government, reflecting that the development of representative government was constrained at that time. However, with the negotiation between China and Britain about the question of Hong Kong’s future and the signing of the Sino-British Joint Declaration, Hong Kong would return to China in 1997. Hong Kong would implement ‘one country, two systems’一國兩制, and enjoy a ‘high degree of autonomy’高度自治. The British Hong Kong government was worried that Hong Kong would be affected by the increasingly autocratic rule of China after her return, and principles like ‘one country, two systems’ could not be implemented effectively, so the government actively implemented reform for representative government. In 1985, the government introduced an indirect election in the Legislative Council立法局. Later in 1991, the first direct election was held. Governor Christopher Patten彭定康 even proposed a reform proposal which advocated all 60 seats in the Legislative Council to be entirely elected in 1995. It greatly facilitated the reform of representative government, making elections also possible at central level. By comparison, Hong Kong’s development of representative government was very limited before 1984, which was confined to the District Boards at the district level. Yet, after the signing of the Declaration, the British Hong Kong government expanded the reform of representative government to the Legislative Council at central level, meaning that electoral element was even brought to the core government organization. Thus, the Declaration was a turning point for Hong Kong’s political development.
The signing of the Sino-British Joint Declaration was a turning point for the localization of senior officials. After the Second World War, although there were Chinese being appointed as Administrative Officer by the government, such as Paul Tsui Ka-cheung徐家祥 who was the first Chinese Administrative Officer in 1948, the government did not carry out the localization of senior officials before the signing of the Declaration. In order to maintain the colonial rule of the British government in Hong Kong, Governor and all positions of secretariat and directorate were dominated by foreigners. The local Chinese could not get into core positions with decision-making power. Yet, the signing of the Sino-British Joint Declaration in 1984 confirmed that Hong Kong would return to China in 1997, and the principle of ‘Hong Kong people ruling Hong Kong’ 港人治港 was established. So, in order to equip and train the leaders who could help Hong Kong smoothly hand over to the rule of China, the British Hong Kong government started to appoint Chinese for Secretariat positions gradually. For directorate positions, the government started to appoint Chinese in the late 1980s, such as Li Kwan-ha李君夏 who became the first Chinese Commissioner of Police in 1989. As for Secretariat positions, the government appointed Anson Chan Fang On Sang陳方安生 and Donald Tsang Yam Kuen曾蔭權 as the first Chinese Chief Secretary in 1993 and the first Chinese Financial Secretary in 1995 respectively. The Chinese were able to get into the high-ranking Secretariat positions. After the return of Hong Kong to China in 1997, Tung Chee-hwa董建華 became the first Chinese Hong Kong government, and Secretariat positions were all held by Chinese. By comparison, regarding the change of senior officials, local Chinese could not get into senior positions of civil servants before the signing of the Sino-British Joint Declaration in 1984. Yet, the signing of the Declaration facilitated the need for the British Hong Kong government to appoint Chinese to be senior officials gradually so as to train the Chinese ruling force, resulting in the turning point for the localization of senior officials.
The signing of the Sino-British Joint Declaration was a turning point for the development of the political parties in Hong Kong. Before the signing of the Declaration, the development of the political parties in Hong Kong was not vigorous. Although there were different Chinese associations and organizations, such as the Hong Kong Federation of Trade Unions (HKFTU) 工聯會 which was established in 1948 as well as the New Youth Study Society新青學社(the former organization of the Neighbourhood and Worker's Service Centre) in 1975, these associations were not positioned as political parties. For example, the HKFTU aimed at striving for labor rights, while the New Youth Study Society was targeted to provide study programs for teenage labor. So, party politics was not mature in that period. Yet, with the signing of the Declaration, Britain was worried that Hong Kong would fall into the autocratic rule of China after her return in 1997. Thus, reform in representative government was actively carried out, and election was introduced to the Legislative Council. As a result, a significant number of people and organizations set up political parties so as to take part in election, hoping to expand sphere of influence and increase reputation through gathering people with similar political views. The number of political parties grew significantly after 1984. Examples of political parties are the United Democrats of Hong Kong香港民主同盟(1990), the Democratic Alliance for the Betterment and Progress of Hong Kong (DAB)民主建港協進聯盟(1992), the Liberal Party自由黨(1993) as well as the Democratic Party民主黨(1994), etc., showing the flourishing development of political parties. Moreover, the HKFTU and the New Youth Study Society also became political parties after the introduction of election. For example, the New Youth Study Society was renamed as the Neighbourhood and Worker's Service Centre街工 in 1985 so as to join the elections at the District Boards and the Legislative Council. Comparatively, speaking of the development of political parties, the party politics in Hong Kong was not mature before the signing of the Declaration in 1984. Yet, with the signing of the Declaration, the reform in representative government started in Hong Kong, and many people holding different political views set up political parties one by one to join elections. The signing of the Declaration was therefore the catalyzer for the development of the political parties in Hong Kong.
Despite the fact that the signing of the Sino-British Joint Declaration marked turning points in various aspects, it did not change the reform in district administration.
The signing of the Sino-British Joint Declaration was not a turning point for the district administration in Hong Kong. The British Hong Kong government had started district reform before 1984. Regional consultation channel was built in the government structure after 1967 Riots六七暴動, for instance, the City District Officer Scheme民政主任計劃(1968) divided Hong Kong Island and Kowloon into 10 districts, and City District Offices were set up in each district to collect public opinions. In 1982, election was held in the District Boards. District Boards區議會 of 18 administrative districts were formed, and part of the members was directly elected by people. Moreover, the Urban Council市政局 also held its first direct election in 1983, reflecting that the British Hong Kong government had already carried out district reform before 1984 and had given electoral right at district level. This raised the political participation of local citizens. After the signing of the Declaration in 1984, the government only continued the original district reform. For instance, the government abolished all official seats官守議席 in the District Boards in 1985. In 1994, all appointed seats委任議席 in the Boards were removed as well, and there was a change in voter qualification which lowered the age requirement from 21 to 18 years old. For the Regional Council區域市政局, it was set up in 1986 in New Territories. In 1995, all appointed seats in both the Urban and Regional Council were abolished, which increased the representativeness of the district elections. Comparatively, regarding district administration, the government had carried out district reforms before 1984 and had introduced elections, which was not because of the influence of the signing of the Declaration in 1984. Yet, after the signing of the Declaration, the government only took more measures and implemented a more thorough district reform. Therefore, the signing of the Declaration was not a turning point for the reform in district administration, but just a continuation.
In conclusion, the signing of the Sino-British Joint Declaration in 1984 brought great changes for the political development in Hong Kong. The development of the representative government expanded from district level to central level, also there was a localization of senior officials, and the party politics became thriving as well. It is obvious that there was a completely different situation for politics in Hong Kong. Thus, to a large extent, the signing of the Declaration was a turning point for Hong Kong’s political development.
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