注意：此題目原是DSE歷屆試題，但為免侵犯版權，題目經過修改，同學可以按試題之年份及題號自行查閱原題目。以下內容乃K.W.Ho之補習教材，於課堂教授，內容乃配合K.W.Ho之答題方法及風格所製作，同時內容可能有錯誤之處以供在課堂上糾正。非補習學生在未有得到課堂教學的情況下錯誤使用，恕不負責，同學請敬請留意。
【Free】6000頁筆記及60份5**考卷免費使用：按此
Youtube教學：按此
_________________________________________________________________________
原題目題號：DSE-2012-Essay-01
「香港華人的政治參與程度持續增長。」試參考1960-97年間的歷史，評論此說能否成立。
於1960年起，華人對於香港政治的參與逐步獲得提高，最後於1997年回歸中國後更成為了決定香港未來的主人翁，故題目所言確能成立。以下，將會從三局、高級公務員、政務官、整體公務員、華人組織、普通市民方面討論華人對香港政治參與的轉變。
市政、立法及行政三局的轉變也能反映華人在香港政治上的參與不斷提高。儘管港英政府在19世紀末開始委任華人進入立法局及行政局，並且於1936年允許市政局有選舉的成份。然而，在1960年代，華人在市政、行政及立法三局所佔的人數十分少，例如在1962年時僅分別佔5名、3名及11名。但隨著後來港英政府不斷放下權力，吸納本地華人精英進入政府以協助管治香港，使更多的華人能夠晉身三局，例如在1978年三局的華人議員人數上升至23名、6名及19名。及後，由於香港將於1997年回歸中國，港英政府大幅增加行政局的華人議員人數至9名(1996年)，佔整體議員的75%，以準備過渡至回歸，使華人對香港政策的參與大大得到提高。可見，華人在三局的參與不斷得到提高。
高級公務員方面的轉變也能反映華人的政治參與度不斷提高。於20世紀中葉，政府高級公務員之職，包括司長級官員、處長等全部由外籍人士出任，沒有華人能夠擠身高級官員。然而，至1984年《中英聯合聲明》起，為了逐步落實「港人治港」的原則，培養回歸後的管治班子，英國政府逐步委任華人出任高級公務員。例如在處長級別方面，1989年李君夏獲委任為警務處處長，成為首位華人警務處處長。及後，高級公務員本地化的情況更進一步向上發展，至1990年代更陸續有華人獲委任為司級公務員，例如陳方安生和曾蔭權分別於1993年和1995年獲委任為布政司及財政司，打破了過往由外籍人士壟斷的傳統。直至1997年回歸前，除了港督和英軍司令外，大部分司級官員均由華人出任。可見，華人在高級官員方面的參與程度逐步提高，於1997年回歸後成為了香港的管治班子。
政務官方面也能反映華人的政治參與程度不斷提昇。傳統以來，政務官被視為是培訓人材用作擔任往後高官之職，因此，政務官之職多由外籍人士出任。至1948年，徐家祥才成為了首位華人政務官。在1960年代初，也只有很少數的華人可以晉身政務官之職，例如在1962年，華人政務官與外籍政務官的人數分別是12人及66人，比例是約1:5.5，顯示華人在政務官方面的參與程度很低。但隨著經濟發展及教育水平的提高，愈來愈多華人晉身上層社會，故華人政務官的數量也不斷上升，至1970年時上升至40人。及後，在1978年時更上升至91人，與外籍政務官的比例縮窄至1:1.25，華人對於制定香港事務的參與程度也大大得到提高。可見，華人在政務官方面的參與程度也不斷獲得提昇。
整體公務員方面的情況也能顯示華人的政治參與度不斷提高。雖然華人公務員一向是佔了整體公務員人數的大多數，例如在1962年，華人公務員人數有48,277名，已經佔了整體公務員人數的96.74%。隨著往後人口和行政機構日漸增加，港英政府需要聘請更多華人公務員以協助管治香港。至1972年時，華人公務員人數已達88,121人，佔了整體公務員的97.88%。往後，此百分比更進一步增至1990年的98.68%，人數達188,393人，成為了支撐及維持香港政府運作的重要力量。可見，華人公務員的人數及比例增長也可反映華人對香港政治的參與不斷提高。
從社團及政黨方面也可反映華人對於香港政治的參與程度不斷增加。於1960年代，華人社團主要是提供社福功能，例如東華三院、保良局等機構興辦學校、醫院等。另外，儘管鄉議局協助港英政府與新界原居民溝通，協助推行地區政策，但鄉議局並非直接影響政府政策，僅是扮演諮詢和輔助施政的功能。然而，隨著1980年代港英政府大力推行代議政制改革，逐步允許市民選出地方的區議員和立法局議員，使許多港人以組織政黨的方式參政，結果政黨如雨後春筍般湧現，包括港同盟(1990年)、民建聯(1992年)等。這些政黨透過區議會及立法會選舉晉身地方及中央政治，影響著香港政治的決策。可見，華人組織的發展也能反映華人在香港政治上的參與不斷提高。
從普通市民的參與也能反映華人在政治上的地位不斷提高。於1960年代初，政府在推行政策時鮮有諮詢華人的意見，但由於六七暴動反映本地華人對香港政府的管治十分不滿。因此，於暴動後，政府推行改革以吸納本地華人的意見，例如於1968年推行「民政主任計劃」，把香港與九龍劃分為10個區域，在各區設立民政處以收集民意。及後，政府更於1982年進行區議會選舉，允許21歲或以上並同時在港住滿7年的香港永久性居民擁有投票權，登記選民人數接近90萬人。往後，本地華人更積極支持透過投票方式以影響香港地方政治的發展，加上政府在1994年時將選民年齡下調至18歲，令登記選民人數進一步上升至380萬人，更多華人能夠利用選票以影響地區政治。可見，普通市民對於香港政治的參與也不斷獲得提昇。
總括而言，從三局、高級公務員、政務官、整體公務員、華人組織、普通市民方面也能反映華人對香港政治的參與在1960-97年代不斷得到提高。於1997年回歸後，華人對於香港政治更有全面的掌握。因此，題目所言確能成立。
‘There was increasing political participation by the Chinese in Hong Kong.’ Comment on the validity of this statement with reference to period 1960-97.
Since 1960, the political participation on the part of the Chinese in Hong Kong was increasing gradually. Eventually, they became the backbones of society which determined the future of Hong Kong after the handover to China in 1997. Hence, the above view was agreed. Below, the increasing political participation on the part of the Chinese in Hong Kong would be reflected in few aspects: Executive, Legislative and Urban Councils; Senior civil servants; Administrative Officers; Overall civil servants; Chinese groups and the general public.
The change in Urban, Legislative and Executive Councils reflected the increasing political participation on the part of Chinese in Hong Kong. The British colonial government started to appoint Chinese to enter the Legislative and Executive Councils since the late 19th century. Also, electoral elements were added in the Urban Council in 1936. However, in the 1960s, the proportion of Chinese in the Urban, Executive and Legislative Councils was small. For instance, in 1962, only 5, 3 and 11 members were Chinese. As the British colonial government gave out more power later, more local Chinese elites were given the opportunity to help ruling Hong Kong by entering the government. More Chinese could thus work in the Urban, Legislative and Executive Councils. For instance, the number of Chinese members increased to 23, 6 and 19 in 1978. After that, the British colonial government greatly increased the number of Chinese Executive Council members to 9 (1996) due to the fact that Hong Kong would be returned to China in 1997. It accounted for 75% of the total members. Such arrangement was to prepare for the transition period. This allowed the participation of Chinese in policy formulation to greatly increase. This showed that the participation of Chinese in the Legislative, Executive and Urban Councils increased continuously.
The change in senior civil servants illustrated that there was increasing political participation on the part of the Chinese in Hong Kong. In the mid of the 20th century, no Chinese could take up the positions of senior civil servants. Senior positions such as officials at the rank of Secretaries of Departments and directors were taken up by foreigners. However, after the signing of Sino-British Joint Declaration中英聯合聲明 in 1984, the British colonial government gradually appoint Chinese as senior civil servants in the hope of implementing the Principle of Hong Kong people ruling Hong Kong港人治港 and nurture rulers after the handover. For instance, in the level of directors處長, Li Kwan-ha李君夏 was appointed as the Commissioner of Police in 1989 and he was the first Chinese playing this role. After that, the localization of senior civil servants was more extensive. In the 1990s, more and more Chinese were appointed as Secretaries司長of Departments. For instance, Anson Chan陳方安生 and Donald Tsang曾蔭權 were elected as the Chief Secretary and Financial Secretary in 1993 and 1995. This shattered the tradition of these positions being monopolized by foreigners. Until before the handover in 1997, most of the Secretaries of Departments were Chinese apart from the Governor港督 and Commander British Forces英軍司令. This showed that the participation of Chinese in senior civil servant increased gradually and became the rulers of Hong Kong after the handover of Hong Kong to China in 1997.
The increasing political participation on the part of the Chinese in Hong Kong could be reflected from the Administrative Officer. It was a tradition that the Administrative Officers were seen as the future elites taking up the positions of senior officers. Therefore, most Administrative Officers were foreigners. Until 1948, Paul Tsui Ka-cheung徐家祥 was the first Chinese Administrative Officer. In the 1960s, just a small portion of Chinese could take up this position. For instance, in 1962, the number of Chinese and Foreign Administrative Officers was 12 and 66 respectively. The proportion as about 1:5.5. This reflected that the participation of Chinese was low. However, with the increasing economic development and educational level, more and more Chinese could move to the upper class of society. The number of Chinese Administrative Officers thus rose to 40 in 1970. Later, the amount rose to 91 in 1978. The proportion of that of Chinese and Foreigner narrowed to 1:1.25. The participation of Chinese in the issues of Hong Kong greatly increased. This showed that the participation of Chinese as Administrative Officers increased greatly.
The situation in the overall civil servants reflected that there was increasing participation on the part of the Chinese in Hong Long. The number of Chinese occupied for a large proportion of the overall civil servants, that was 96.4% (48,277) in 1962. Along with the increasing population and administration organizations, the British colonial government needed to recruit more Chinese civil servants to help in ruling Hong Kong. In 1972, the number of Chinese civil servants rose to 88,121 and this occupied for 97.88% of the overall civil servants. After that, the percentage soared to 98.68% in 1990 and the amount rose to 188,393. They became an important force in supporting and sustaining the operations of the Hong Kong government. This showed that the increasing political participation of Chinese in Hong Kong was proved by their growth in number and proportion.
Chinese groups and political parties showed that there was increasing political participation on the part of the Chinese in Hong Kong. In the 1960s, Chinese groups mainly provided welfare benefits, such as Tung Wah Group of Hospitals東華三院 and Po Leung Kuk保良局 organized schools and hospitals. Apart from that, Heung Yee Kuk鄉議局 facilitated the British colonial government in communicating with the local residence in the New Territories and helped in the implementation of local policies. However, Heung Yee Kuk did not directly influence governmental policies. It was just playing the roles of consultant顧問 and facilitator輔助者. However, the British colonial government greatly implement the reform of Representative Government in the 1980s. It gradually allowed citizens to choose the District and Legislative Councilors of their own areas. This provided chances for Hong Kong people to participate politically by organizing political parties. As a result, a lot of political parties formed such as United Democrats of Hong Kong港同盟(1990) and DAB民建聯(1992). These political parties helped in the ruling of local and central through District Council and Legislative Council Elections. The decision-making of Hong Kong was being affected. This showed that the development of Chinese groups could reflect that there was increasing political participation on the part of the Chinese in Hong Kong.
Participation of ordinary residents reflected that there was increasing political participation on the part of the Chinese in Hong Kong. In the early 1960s, the government seldom consulted the Chinese in formulating policies. The Hong Kong 1967 riots六七暴動 reflected that local people were greatly discontented with the ruling of the British colonial government. Therefore, after the riot, the government reformed and consulted the opinions of Chinese. For instance, City District Officer Scheme民政主任計劃 was implemented in 1968. It divided Hong Kong Island and Kowloon into 10 district and set up City District Offices in the districts to collect public opinions. After that, the District Council Election區議會選舉 was carried out in 1982. Permanent residents who aged 21 or above and lived in Hong Kong for more than 7 years had the voting right. The number of registered voters was about 0.9 million. After that, the local Chinese actively supported the way of affecting the development of Hong Kong politics by casting their votes. Also, the age of voters reduced to 18 in 1994 and the number of registered voters further increased to 3.8 million. More Chinese could affect the politics of Hong Kong by voting. This showed that there was increasing political participation on the part of the ordinary Chinese in Hong Kong.
To sum up, Executive, Legislative and Urban Councils; Senior civil servants; Administrative Officers; Overall civil servants; Chinese groups and the general public reflected that there was increasing political participation on the part of the ordinary Chinese in Hong Kong in 1960-97. After the Handover of Hong Kong to China in 1997, the Chinese had an even comprehensive command on the politics of Hong Kong. Therefore, the view was agreed.
Comments